演講名人演講稿6篇

其實演講稿寫好，可以使演講者不講錯話或者嚴重走題，演講稿是發表自己的意見，它是我們表達自己情感和態度觀點的載體，下面是本站小編為您分享的演講名人演講稿6篇，感謝您的參閱。

演講名人演講稿篇1

親愛的老師，同學們：

大家好！

今天輪到我演講，我今天講的名言是黎巴嫩詩人紀伯倫的一句話：“一個偉大的人有兩顆心：一顆心流血，另一顆心寬容。”

寬容，是我們人人熟知的一個話題，然而現在的社會，真正做到寬容的人並不多。

寬容，可以化敵為友。林肯一向以寬容為懷，他當上總統之後，南北戰爭爆發了，一開始北方處於劣勢，讓他終日不得安寧，隨之而來的就是別人對他能力的鄙視——有人認為選舉他做總統是犯下了大錯，林肯卻對鄙視他的人抱以寬容。在他人看來，那是一種沒有尊嚴的寬容，於是，終於引起了一個議員的不滿，這個議員說：“你不應該試圖和那些人交朋友，而應該消滅他們！。”林肯微笑著回答：“當他們變成了我的朋友，難道不正是在消滅我的敵人？”可以說林肯是一個偉大的人，他有一顆寬容的心。他的話一語中的，生活就是這樣，多一些寬容，那些公開的對手或許就是我們潛在的朋友。

寬容，是一種人生境界。清朝康熙年間，張英……（六尺巷的故事，略）

馬克吐溫說過，“紫羅蘭把香氣留在那踩扁了它的腳踝上，這就是寬容。”李斯也說：“泰山不讓土壤，故能成其大；海洋不擇細流，故能成其深。”莎士比亞也說過：“寬容就像天上的細雨滋潤大地，它賜福於寬容的人，也賜福於被寬容的人。”試問，如果沒有藺相如的寬容，又怎會有趙國的無人敢侵和日益強大？如果沒有鮑叔牙的寬容，又怎會有歷史上聞名的管鮑之交？如果沒有諸葛亮的寬容，又怎會有三國時劉備大軍新野一戰和以後更多的勝利？

寬容別人其實就是寬容我們自己。多一點對別人的寬容，其實，我們生命中就多了一點空間。有朋友的人生路上，才會有關愛和扶持，才不會有孤獨和寂寞；有朋友的生活，才會少一點風雨，多一點溫暖的陽光。其實，寬容永遠都是晴天。

同學們，請銘記這些寬容的故事，請記住寬容是一種堅強，而不是一種軟弱。對身邊的人多一份寬容，你就會發現，退一步海闊天空！

我的演講完畢。

謝謝大家！

演講名人演講稿篇2

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal." and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their governments policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nations history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights dont mix," they say. "arent you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

演講名人演講稿篇3

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. this much we pledge -- and more.

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.

so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free." and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.

演講名人演講稿篇4

1、奧斯特洛夫斯基

命運對奧斯特洛夫斯基是殘酷的：他念過三年國小，青春消逝在疾馳的戰馬與槍林彈雨中。16歲時，他腹部與頭部嚴重負傷，右眼失明。20歲時，又因關節硬化而臥床不起。面對著命運的嚴峻挑戰，他深切地感到：“在生活中沒比掉隊更可怕的事情了。”奧斯特洛夫斯基與命運進行了英勇的抗爭：他不想躺在殘廢榮譽軍人的功勞簿上向祖國和人民伸手，他用沸騰的精力讀完了函授大學的全部課程，如飢似渴地閱讀俄羅斯與世界文學名著。書籍召喚他前進，書籍陪伴他披荊斬棘。

奧斯特洛夫斯基思想的烈馬，馳騁在烏克蘭與波蘭交界的遼闊的原野上，他口授的每一個字母都像無情的子彈，射向入侵的德國強盜。

2.張海迪

1955年秋天在濟南出生。5歲患脊髓病，胸以下全部癱瘓。從那時起，張海迪開始了她獨到的人生。她無法上學，便在在家自學完中學課程。在殘酷的命運挑戰面前，張海迪沒有沮喪和沉淪，她以頑強的毅力和恆心與疾病做鬥爭，經受了嚴峻的考驗，對人生充滿了信心。她雖然沒有機會走進校門，卻發憤學習，學完了國小、中學全部課程，自學了大學英語、日語、德語和世界語，並攻讀了大學和碩士研究生的課程。為了對社會作出更大的貢獻，她先後自學了十幾種醫學專著，同時向有經驗的醫生請教，學會了鍼灸等醫術，為群眾無償治療

達1萬多人次。

我們都是四肢健全的人，所以更我們應該珍惜眼前的學習機會。

3. 愛迪生

在愛迪生髮明燈泡的時候他失敗了很多次，當他用到一千多種材料做燈絲的時候，助手對他說：“你已經失敗了一千多次了，成功已經變得渺茫，還是放棄吧!”但愛迪生卻說：“到現在我的收穫還不錯，起碼我發現有一千多種材料不能做燈絲。”最後，他經過六千多次的實驗終於成功了。

我們可以試想，如果愛迪生在助手勸他停止實驗的時候放棄了，我們現在會怎麼樣呢?可能我們還要點只有豆粒般大小的油燈在夜裡照明。其實愛迪生的每次試驗失敗都可以看作是挫折。這麼一算，愛迪生髮明電燈也就是遇上了六千多次的挫折，這是一個多麼驚人的數目啊!

4.林肯

生下來就一貧如洗的林肯，終其一生都在面對挫敗，八次競選八次落敗，兩次經商失敗，甚至還精神崩潰過一次。好多次，他本可以放棄，但他並沒有如此，也正因為他沒有放棄，才成為美國曆史上最偉大的總統之一。此路艱辛而泥濘。我一隻腳滑了一下，另一隻腳也因而站不穩;但我緩口氣，告訴自己，"這不過是滑一跤，並不是死去而爬

不起來。" ——林肯在競選參議員落敗後如是說

我們有的時候受到一次挫折，或經受到一次失敗，就灰心喪氣，認為自己一無是處，看看愛迪生和林肯，我們就會明白人的一生不是一帆風順的，關鍵是學會堅持，永不放棄。

4.霍金

隨著年齡漸長，小霍金對萬事萬物如何執行開始感興趣起來，他經常把東西拆散以追根究底，但在把它們恢復組裝回去時，他卻束手無策，不過，他的父母並沒有因此而責罰他，他的父親甚至給他擔任起數學和物理學“教練”。在十三四歲時，霍金髮現自己對物理學方面的研究非常有興趣，雖然中學物理學太容易太淺顯，顯得特別枯燥，但他認為這是最基礎的科學，有望解決人們從何處來和為何在這裡的問題。從此，霍金開始了真正的科學探索。，如飢似渴的投入到學習和研究當中，並最終成為一代大師，給不看好他的人當頭棒喝。

霍金雖然身體的殘疾越來越重，但卻力影象普通人一樣生活，完成自己所能做的任何事情。他甚至是活潑好動的——這聽起來有些好笑，在他已經完全無法移動之後，他仍然堅持用唯一可以活動的手指驅動著輪椅在前往辦公室的路上“橫衝直撞”;

·威廉·霍金認為他一生的貢獻是在經典物理的框架裡，證明了黑洞和大爆炸奇點的不可避免性，黑洞越變越大;但在量子物理的框架裡，他指出，黑洞因輻射而越變越小，大爆炸的奇點不斷被量子效應所抹平，而且整個宇宙正是起始於此。

演講名人演講稿篇5

大家好!

有一個故事，說的是一頭驢，揹著兩捆草，餓了，到底放下哪一捆來吃呢?一直猶豫不決，結果餓死了。這個故事有些誇張，但人生很多路口，大家都會在路口上徘徊。做選擇是很難很痛苦的，這邊有誘惑，那邊也有誘惑。到底選擇哪個?我的同學都出國了，我是不是也應該去新東方學習準備考託福?我的發小考公務員了，我是不是也要買書複習了?電視上說有個人國小沒畢業做電商就發財了，我是不是也要到淘寶上開個店鋪?

你今天聽到東邊熱鬧往東跑，明天聽到西邊熱鬧，就掉頭往西邊跑。很多年下來，你就會變成一個沒頭蒼蠅，東一榔頭西一棒槌，疲於奔命，沒有積累。我認為，如果你覺得自己還年輕，那一定要花點時間想一想，不說長了，就是未來的十到十五年時間，你到底要想成為怎樣的人?未來十到十五年，你到底最想獲得什麼?這是最重要的。這個東西，你可以說是夢想，也可以說是價值觀。

為什麼?因為你一旦想清楚了，以後你無論做什麼判斷，做什麼選擇，那就簡單多了。有助於實現我夢想的，我就幹。沒幫助，我就放棄。把夢想錨定，短期內不管你遇到什麼誘惑，遭遇什麼困難，都不會左右你判斷和選擇。

在這點上，我很幸運，在困難面前我很少搖擺，經常是一拍腦袋就做決定了。因為我上高中的時候，就想清楚了我這輩子要幹什麼。我不想要進到一個仰人鼻息的單位去，我就夢想著要開個自己的電腦公司編軟體，自己安排生活和命運，而且做好了，很多人都用，這樣很有成就感。

一旦有了這個想法，所有的選擇都變得非常簡單。比如我上高中的時候在全國物理競賽上獲過獎，很多大學都願意錄取我，各種專業五花八門。其中一所比較著名的大學，想錄取我上食品工程專業。我父母聽說以後十分高興，他們經歷過吃不飽飯的年代，覺得上了這個專業，以後就不愁吃飯了。但我堅決不同意，因為我對食品不感興趣，我就是想編軟體。當時西安交大也來錄取我，我當時也不知道西安交大是幹什麼的，以為是修鐵路的大學。但西安交大讓我上計算機系，那我就去了，因為符合我的目標。相反，我很多同學根據當時熱門不熱門來選專業，很多人選了國際貿易。這種選擇看起來很聰明，但現在看來，這未必是他們真正想要的，也未必是自己能夠施展才華的地方。

你如果說，我的目標很簡單，就是年薪50萬。對這樣的目標，我的建議是，目標不能太物質化。太短期、太物質化的目標不能內化成你的夢想。像年薪50萬、100萬這樣的目標，你可能很快就實現了，然後就失去了夢想，沒了目標，跟有些拿到鉅額拆遷款的人一樣，沉溺於賭博，把自己的未來都毀了;或者有的物質化目標很難實現，比如你想成為中國首富，可能你很快就放棄了。我認為，只有這種非利益化的夢想和目標，才能長期激勵一個人不斷地去追求。

我大學畢業時，也面臨著選擇。到底是去南方的某家銀行工作，拿一月3000元的高薪，還是去北京的一家大型電腦公司，拿一月800元的工資?我沒什麼猶豫就選擇了後者，因為只有到電腦公司，才能學習怎麼做軟體，才有機會實現我的夢想。

後來我離開這家電腦公司到互聯網裡去創業，有很多人說：“你太有勇氣了，放棄了高薪和職位。”但是我覺得這不需要什麼勇氣。它已經不適合我了，沒法幫助我實現自己的夢想。這些別人認為很珍貴的東西，對我來說是nothing。所以，你的夢想和目標不跟物質掛鉤，物質就不會成為你選擇時的掣肘。

對於高中生來說，誘惑可能是某個看起來前景良好的專業。對於大學生來說，誘惑可能是一份待遇豐厚、人人豔羨的工作。但是隨著你越走越遠，物質的誘惑越來越大，你就更需要夢想這個堅定的羅盤來指引。

當年我要離開雅虎，因為在裡面不能創新，很多好想法實現不了，這種氛圍讓我窒息，讓我忍無可忍。雅虎說，要提前辭職，會扣我3000萬美金。即使放到現在，這也是一筆不小的數目。很多人替我惋惜，說你再混個一年半載的。我不想混，也最痛恨混。對我來說，自由是最重要的，幹自己想幹的事兒是最重要的。於是，我再一次的創業。於是，有了360。

可以說，到今天我的夢想從來都沒有變過，只是我所在的行業從計算機發展到了網際網路，發展到了手機領域。我的目標很簡單，一直都是要做出別人從來沒有想過的產品，我的產品能夠改變千千萬萬人的生活和工作方式。這個夢想，可以說我已經實現了，也可以說我還沒有實現，因為我覺得還有更多好想法可以去做。

90後的年輕人有朝氣，有活力，你們應該有更好的夢想。希望大家好好思考一下自己的未來。想想10年、15年後，大家再聚首的時候，你希望自己成為什麼樣的人，這才是最重要的。

演講名人演講稿篇6

在肆虐的洪水面前,顯示出共產黨員的錚錚鐵骨。

一群群共產黨員，一雙雙熱情的手，一顆顆熾熱的心，紛紛湧向抗洪救災的第一線。

哪裡有洪水，哪裡就有黨員的身影;哪裡有危險，哪裡就有黨旗在飄揚。

一個黨員就是一面鮮紅的旗幟。

年僅二十歲的共產黨員李向群，勇猛地戰鬥在抗洪搶險的第一線。

別人扛一包，他扛兩包，他三次從衛生所逃出，四次暈倒在抗洪搶險的大堤上，連續奮戰六個日日夜夜，終因疲勞過度，一頭栽倒在大堤上，大口大口地吐著鮮血，走完了他短暫而壯麗的`一生。

他是那麼的年輕，他捨不得離開自己的親人，他眷戀著這個美好的世界，然而，當國家和人民的利益即將受到損失的時候，他毅然舍小家為大家，用自己的滿腔熱血，為黨旗增暉。

面對鮮豔的黨旗，我想起了孔繁森，他兩次進藏，歷時十載。

為了撫養3個藏族孤兒，他3次獻血，向人民奉獻的是比血還濃的熾熱感情;誰能想到，作為一名黨的高階幹部，人們在清點他的遺產時，發現他的身上只有八元六角錢面對鮮豔的黨旗，我想起了“生命一分鐘，敬業六十秒”的平民書記牛玉儒、想起了鞠躬盡瘁、執政為民的好衛士任長霞、想起了抗擊非典的女英雄葉欣他們雖然崗位不同，事蹟不同，個性不同，但他們身上體現的先進性是相同的，他們都是當代共產黨員隊伍中最傑出的代表。

他們用自己的行動踐行著入黨誓言，他們用自己的青春和生命讓黨旗更加鮮豔奪目。

面對鮮豔的黨旗，緬懷黨員的先進事蹟，我明白了我們的黨之所以由小到大、由弱到強、永葆青春，我們的事業之所以乘風破浪、無往不勝，就是因為無論是在血與火的戰爭年代，還是在改革開放的嶄新的歷史時期，都始終有一批站在時代前列的共產黨員，他們無愧於先鋒隊的稱號，不愧是中華民族的脊樑、社會的中堅和時代的中流砥柱。

同志們，朋友們，歷史的重任落到了我們的肩上，讓我們團結起來，在黨的正確領導下，永遠保持共產黨員的先鋒模範作用，用我們的智慧和汗水譜寫出當代共產黨員最絢麗的篇章， 讓黨旗永遠鮮豔在億萬人民的心中! 我的演講完了，謝謝大家!